Post Tagged with: "Anthropology"

RCT, economics and qualitative research

RCT, economics and qualitative research

Imagine how gratifying it is for me to wake up this morning and find this post by Edward Caar through a Twitter link:

What brings me to today’s post is the new piece on hunger in Foreign Policy by Abhijit Banerjee and Esther Duflo.  On one hand, this is great news – good to see development rising to the fore in an outlet like Foreign Policy.  I also largely agree with their conclusions – that the poverty trap/governance debate in development is oversimplified, that food security outcomes are not explicable through a single theory, etc.  On the other hand, from the perspective of a qualitative researcher looking at development, there is nothing new in this article.  Indeed, the implicit premise of the article is galling: When they argue that to address poverty, “In practical terms, that meant we’d have to start understanding how the poor really live their lives,” the implication is that nobody has been doing this.  But what of the tens of thousands of anthropologists, geographers and sociologists (as well as representatives of other cool, hybridized fields like new cultural historians and ethnoarchaeologists).  Hell, what of the Peace Corps?

Whether intentional or not, this article wipes the qualitative research slate clean, allowing the authors to present their work in a methodological and intellectual vacuum.  This is the first of my problems with this article – not so much with its findings, but with its appearance of method.  While I am sure that there is more to their research than presented in the article, the way their piece is structured, the case studies look like evidence/data for a new framing of food security.  They are not – they are illustrations of the larger conceptual points that Banerjee and Duflo are making.  I am sure that Banerjee and Duflo know this, but the reader does not – instead, most readers will think this represents some sort of qualitative research, or a mixed method approach that takes “hard numbers” and mixes it in with the loose suppositions that Banerjee and Duflo offer by way of explanation for the “surprising” outcomes they present.  But loose supposition is not qualitative research – at best, it is journalism. Bad journalism. My work, and the work of many, many colleagues, is based on rigorous methods of observation and analysis that produce validatable data on social phenomena.  The work that led to Delivering Development and many of my refereed publications took nearly two years of on-the-ground observation and interviewing, including follow-ups, focus groups and even the use of archaeology and remotely-sensed data on land use to cross-check and validate both my data and my analyses.

You really should read the whole thing.

As one who has a Masters degree in Development Studies but who chose to do a PhD in anthropology because I found that development research is all too often dealing with quantitave, “generalisable” data, and who has concluded said PhD, I find it really interesting that the RCT movement in economics seem to be taking credit, in the media and in policy circles, for what ethnographers – anthropologists, rural sociologists, historians, human geographers – have been saying all along. This is that things are a lot more complicated than people want to think, that it is extremely difficult to find a generalisable explanation, and that at the end of the day, what leads one to better understanding of issues is attention to personal stories, and an attempt to tease out how those stories are linked to larger structures, like local politics, regional politics, the economic structures, colonisation, culture etc. etc. One cannot arrive at this sort of understanding without spending time trying to understand the interaction between all these elements. Now that economists have discovered qualitative research it seems as if it were never there, as if there aren’t people who have been pointing to the importance of understanding nuances and personal stories.

I have deliberately refrained from commenting on RCT in economics because I wanted to read some of the texts, but since Edward Carr took thoughts out of my head I thought I would quote him and call attention to the fact that these kinds of studies have been going on for a long while. If economists are not aware of that (I think some of them are) it is their fault for not looking at other social sciences.

My copy of Karlan’s book is in the post to me, and I look forward to reading it. I doubt that I will learn anything new from it, but I feel it is important, as an economic anthropologist, to know what economists are doing. I wish economists would extend the same courtesy to other disciplines whose works often overlap with theirs.

And on RCT itself, check out the link that my brother, a medical doctor and researcher, sent me. It is a Lancet article titled “A philosopher’s view of the long road from RCTs to effectiveness”. Remember, RCT has been in medical and pharmacological research for a while.

PS, I promised a while ago to blog a list of must read economic anthropology books. I should get to it pretty soon.

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April 27, 2011 Read More
Democratising the development discourse

Democratising the development discourse

From a commentary on Owen Barder’s comment on Bob Zoellick’s speech on development discourse:

… if we really want to democratise the development discourse we should also publish, say, the minutes of Bank board meetings and other relevant internal documents to understand how ideas and statistics are translated into ‘reality’ through powerful interlocutors like the Bank and its staff. In other words, ‘democratising development’ is too important to be left to economists and large aid organisations alone; critical sociological and ethnographic research on the ‘life of numbers’ is needed as well.

If you knew where the commentator, Tobias Denksus, whose blog I just discovered today, is coming from, you would understand his desire for a discourse that aims to unpack black boxes like ‘development data’. This is from the summary of a PhD dissertation he is currently finishing:

Secular rituals in peace research, policy-making, consultancy and project management have lead to what Knottnerus describes as the ‘formation, reproduction and transformation of social structure’ away from critical aims of transforming societies through peaceful means to ritualised economy around virtual knowledge products. This growing industry, intertwined with the broader development industry has fostered the emergence and maintenance of ritualized spaces. Studying these rituals in workshops, meetings and conferences and complementing it by other ethnographic research helps us to understand better the micro-dynamics of what happens when the peacebuilding discourse or the peace industry come to a place like post-conflict Kathmandu or work around knowledge management in German development agencies. In Germany rituals and performances are often employed to maintain the perception of grounding in the peace movement of the 20th century and to maintain corporatistic ties between civil society, academia and policy-makers, de facto ignoring the global debates and local realities.

You definitely should check out his blog. Reminds me of a book titled The Paternalism of Partnership, by Maria Eriksson Baaz.

October 2, 2010 Read More
How useful is an approach that integrates institutional analysis with elements of cognitive science for anthropology?

How useful is an approach that integrates institutional analysis with elements of cognitive science for anthropology?

Institutional analysis has been successfully used to study changes in property rights and the negotiation of the collective-action problem inherent in managing common-pool resources under a variety of property regimes. It is particularly well-suited to the analysis of socio-ecological systems, and is compatible with theories coming out of ecological and economic anthropology. Yet despite the pioneering work of James Acheson and Jean Ensminger, institutional analysis remains unfamiliar to most anthropologists, primarily because of its theoretical foundations in rational choice and game theory, which many anthropologists see as irreconcilable with anthropology’s humanistic, reflexive, and relativistic biases. Institutional analysts circumvent the problems inherent in strict definitions of rationality through the concept of bounded rationality. This is a necessary first step, but still assumes the existence of an abstract Rationality as the underlying motivation behind human behavior, and as the normative baseline from which to measure “deviations” in human behavior. This paper is a step toward elaborating a more nuanced understanding of situated bounded rationality, based on situated cognition, humans’ evolved reliance on heuristics, and the predominance of preferences over actions (means) as opposed to preferences over outcomes (ends). This approach combines the strengths of two dominant types of actor-based models – the microeconomic and the psychological (behavioral) – and integrates them with the analysis of social structure. In this way, the approach proposed here reconciles institutional analysis with processual, cognitive, practice-based, and perhaps most surprisingly, phenomenological approaches in anthropology.

That is the abstract of a working paper titled Situated Bounded Rationality: linking institutional analysis to cognitive, processual, and phenomenological approaches in anthropology [pdf] by friend and colleague Brian Donahoe.

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May 8, 2010 Read More
CFP: The Informal and the Formal: Contested Categories of Socio-Economic Life

CFP: The Informal and the Formal: Contested Categories of Socio-Economic Life

COMMISION ON URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY, IUAES

ANNUAL CONFERENCE

Gioiosa Marea, Sicily, 7-9 May 2010

The Informal and the Formal: Contested Categories of Socio-Economic Life

Convenor: Italo Pardo (University of Kent)

OUTLINE

This conference recognizes both the empirical difficulty in categorising human activities as belonging strictly to the formal sector or the informal sector of the economy and the blurred boundaries between these sectors. It brings together anthropologists who specialise in different ethnographies with the main aim of addressing the complexity of the informal sector, the attendant challenges in attempting to define it and the problematic relationships between activities that take place within and without the officially set boundaries of the formal sector.

The ethnographer is often confronted with small-scale businesses and other economically significant actions and forms of exchange (individual or collective) that, not exclusively rooted in what is officially defined as ‘the informal sector’, generally address the market as a whole.From a worm’s eye viewpoint, it could be reasonably suggested that such activities may not always be strictly legal and they may not always agree with the ‘laws’ of market capitalism, but not for this should they be misread as evidence of marginality – cultural, economic, political and moral. On the contrary, it should be asked whether even people with a disadvantaged background may be actively engaged in negotiating the messiness of their lives and redefining their place in society. Contested knowledge acquired through prolonged involvement in the flow of local life brings out the weakness of the distinction between employment and work and of a view of informal work activities as a separate mode of production or as belonging to a ‘casual economy’. Of course, such complexity must be set against the background of the graded relationships between the legal and the illegal sectors that colour many dealings at various levels and in various sectors of associated life, which raises stimulating questions as to the extent to which the blurred boundaries of the ’divide’ mirror other aspects of social and cultural life (such as kinship, marriage and social and moral networks) in each specific ethnographic setting. It is not unusual to find complex links, in terms of production, distribution and consumption, between the formal sector and activities that are rooted in the informal sector, at the limits or beyond the limits of the strictly legal. For example, ethnographically diversified findings suggest that small- to medium-range formal businesses often rely on workshops that produce goods illegally (evading tax on the purchase of raw materials and the sale of finished products, as well as employment tax and other welfare state contributions) and that a proportion of such products finds its way into the legal market. In this context, the complex relationship between the legal and the illegal is a key issue, the empirical analysis of which may help us to clarify broader, far-reaching economic processes in view of ever-growing global competition. Such an approach needs to account for problematic processes whereby what is illegal at a given time in a given place may be legal in another place or may become legal at another time in the same place; it should indeed be borne in mind that changes in the law may turn given situations on their head.

Bringing together diversified ethnographic analyses, this Conference will stimulate a comparative view of this complex topic.

Participants are asked to draw on their diverse research experiences to examine ways to address effectively the analytical and theoretical issues raised by this topic.

This event will be organized in such a way as to allow ample time for presentation of working papers and discussion.

Proposals (max 500 words) should be sent by 15 March 2010 to Dr Marcello Mollica:

Chief Coordinator, CUA

Department of Social Anthropology

University of Fribourg

Bd de Pérolles 90

Bureau G 302

1700 Fribourg Switzerland

Tel. ++41 26 300 74 79

Fax ++41 26 300 96 64

e-mail: marcello.mollica@unifr.ch

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January 23, 2010 Read More
“Ethnicity INC: or why ethnicity is not the bogeyman we were told it is”

“Ethnicity INC: or why ethnicity is not the bogeyman we were told it is”

… is the title of a review of anthropologists Jean and Jean Comaroff’s book, Ethnicity, INC. An excerpt of the review:

From the very beginning of their study, the authors ask us to take a step back and stop thinking about ethnicity only as a political tool. Rather, we should extend new attributes and opportunities to the social and economic entity that an ethnic group is. What if, the authors ask, the future of ethnicity lies in its capacity to incorporate identity (incorporate as in creating a legal corporation based on ethnic grounds) and couple this normative shift with the progressive commodification of one’s ethnic group culture? The authors think that the new product could efficiently represent the interests of its members. They argue that the commodification of culture doubled by the branding of the newly marketed entities could trigger the formalization and the institutionalization of the consumption of culture in ways that would be beneficial to those creating and generating culture in the first place.  The Comoroffs go further in their analysis and suggest that this process and the subsequent cultural products would be managed by legal entities which will finally allow their members to reap the fruits of their culture’s commodification.

“Why not branding ethnicity instead of labeling it?” appears to be one of the extremely interesting questions that scholars interested in ethnic studies should ask themselves. The authors ask this and many more questions in an intriguing and refreshing manner, in times when ethnic studies (at least on Africa) are saturated by traditional discourses that mostly focus on the connection between violence, political / economic instability and ethnic warfare.

And:

While I agree with most of the arguments presented in this book, I have my reservations with respect to some of the issues presented in Ethnicity INC. Based on my understanding, one which is still in formation with respect to contemporary African realities, the biggest “fault” of the Comaroffs is that they implicitly suppose that humans are rational actors who play their part within a much larger framework which is laid out by the international political and economic order. If that were the case, then it would be unreasonable not to do your best as statesmen and public institutions to encourage the ethno-cultures the Comaroffs deal with in their book. After all, we are all consumers of cultures or, I would go even further and say, we are consumers of otherness. By exploring the others we rediscover our own roots, passions and ultimately the ideals we stand on. The others are just a reconfirmation of the self. And those who have a culture and seek to both preserve it and promote it should also find ways to capitalize on these cultures since, after all, nothing is for free. But this is not always the case.

The full review. The book is going on my to-read list for the year.

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January 14, 2010 Read More
An Ethnography of Wall Street

An Ethnography of Wall Street

Financial Times’ Gillian Tett reviews Karen Ho’s Liquidated: An Ethnography of Wall Street:

Liquidated: An Ethnography of Wall Street
By Karen Ho
Duke Press £16.99, 392 pages

When I first started covering finance for the FT, I used to get embarrassed when asked about my academic past. Before I became a journalist, I did a PhD in social anthropology, a branch of social science that endeavours to understand the cultural dynamics of societies based on grass-roots analysis.

Back in the pre-credit crisis days, bankers tended to consider degrees in anthropology to be rather “hippy”. As one banker told me; the only qualifications that really commanded status were those linked to economics, maths, physics and other “hard” sciences – or, at a pinch, an MBA.

Not anymore. As the financial disasters of the past two years have unfolded, it has become painfully clear that bankers placed far too much faith on their quasi-scientific models. It has also been evident that a grasp of cultural dynamics is critical in understanding how modern finance works – or doesn’t. Consequently, the idea of using the social sciences to understand money is becoming fashionable in some quarters.

Given all that, Karen Ho has picked an excellent time to publish her fascinating new study – or “ethnography” – of Wall Street banks. Ho is currently a professor of social anthropology at the University of Minnesota. A decade ago, however, she was an employee of Bankers Trust, formerly a powerful Wall Street banking giant, and carried out research among a number of banks.

As field-sites go, Wall Street is not classic anthropological territory: ethnographers typically work in remote, third-world societies. Ho admits that studying banking tribes was hard: “The very notion of pitching a tent at the Rockefellers’ yard, in the lobby of JP Morgan or on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange is not only implausible but also might be limiting and ill-suited to a study of the ‘power elite’,” she writes. Continue reading…

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October 4, 2009 Read More
Keith Hart on A Cosmopolitan Anthropology

Keith Hart on A Cosmopolitan Anthropology

The rapid development of global communications today contains within its movement a far-reaching transformation of world society. ‘Anthropology’ in some form is one of the intellectual traditions best suited to make sense of it. The academic seclusion of the discipline, its passive acquiescence to bureaucracy, is the chief obstacle preventing us from grasping this historical opportunity. We cling to our revolutionary commitment to joining the people, but have forgotten what it was for or what else is needed, if we are to succeed in helping to build a universal society. The internet is a wonderful chance to open up the flow of knowledge and information. Rather than obsessing over how we can control access to what we write, which means cutting off the mass of humanity almost completely from our efforts, we need to figure out new interactive forms of engagement that span the globe and to make the results of our work available to everyone. Ever since the internet went public and the World Wide Web was invented, I have made online self-publishing and interaction the core of my anthropological practice. And recently I have stumbled into what may turn out to be the most powerful vehicle for this project yet: the Open Anthropology Cooperative.

It matters less that an academic guild should retain its monopoly of access to knowledge than that ‘anthropology’ should be taken up by a broad intellectual coalition for whom the realization of a new human universal – a world society fit for humanity as a whole — is a matter of urgent personal concern. Read in full.

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September 10, 2009 Read More
Anthropologists blog on the financial crisis

Anthropologists blog on the financial crisis

At the blog of the Association of Social Anthropologists. The full announcement:

The ASA blog’s attempt to discuss the financial crisis currently occurring around us seeks to bring together anthropologists, sociologists, who work on the cultural political economy, anthropology of money, class, labour, industry, economic anthropology, informal economy, wall street as an ethnographic site, micro finance, the nature of capitalism and the modern state so as to comment and examine the current situation. Seemingly an ‘unanthropological’ topic this blog (from mid September 09 to mid December 09) is not about personal opinions of the bloggers only. This discussion would also highlight how ethnographic techniques can be applied to explore such dynamic issues in the modern world. Gillian Tett, an anthropologist who is the Assistant Editor of Financial Times predicted the credit crisis two years ago when she was largely ignored by the banking world. She felt how her training in social anthropology alerted her to the danger and the need to listen to ’social noise’ as well as ’social sciences’. To quote Tett (Barton 31st October 2008, The Guardian):

“I happen to think anthropology is a brilliant background for looking at finance,” she reasons. “Firstly, you’re trained to look at how societies or cultures operate holistically, so you look at how all the bits move together. And most people in the City don’t do that. They are so specialised, so busy, that they just look at their own little silos. And one of the reasons we got into the mess we are in is because they were all so busy looking at their own little bit that they totally failed to understand how it interacted with the rest of society.

“But the other thing is, if you come from an anthropology background, you also try and put finance in a cultural context. Bankers like to imagine that money and the profit motive is as universal as gravity. They think it’s basically a given and they think it’s completely apersonal. And it’s not. What they do in finance is all about culture and interaction.”

These and other related issues will be discussed by the following group of bloggers from mid September 09 till mid December 2009:

Mid September – end September: Dr. Alexander F. Robertson, Anthropology, Edinburgh University
Early October –
Mid October: Dr. Gillian Tett, Anthropologist and Assistant Editor, Financial Times
Mid October – End October: Prof. Stephen Gudeman, Anthropology, University of Minnesota & Dr. Massimiliano Mollona, Anthropology, Goldsmiths College, London University
End October – Mid November: Prof Karen Z. Ho, Anthropology, University of Minnesota
Mid November – End November: Prof. Keith Hart, Anthropology, Goldsmiths College, London University
Early – mid December: Prof. Bob Jessop, Sociology, Lancaster University

Please visit the blog, participate, comment and take part in the discussions.

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September 10, 2009 Read More
Anthropologyworks

Anthropologyworks

A new blog by anthropologist Barbara Miller.

In its About page:

This blog is a project of the Culture in Global Affairs (CIGA) research and policy program of the Elliott School of International Affairs at The George Washington University in Washington, D.C. Along with several  colleagues at GW and anthropological professionals working in the Washington area, I founded CIGA in 2002. Its mission is wide-ranging: to promote awareness of the relevance of anthropological knowledge to contemporary issues and to enhance discussion and debate within and beyond anthropology about contemporary issues.

While centered on cultural anthropology, CIGA’s mission, and that of this blog, encompasses all four fields of anthropology as defined in anthropology: archaeology, biological anthropology, cultural anthropology, and linguistic anthropology (in alphabetical order).

From the little I’ve read of it, it is a site to keep returning to.

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September 1, 2009 Read More
David Graeber on Debt: The first five thousand years

David Graeber on Debt: The first five thousand years

Throughout its 5000 year history, debt has always involved institutions – whether Mesopotamian sacred kingship, Mosaic jubilees, Sharia or Canon Law – that place controls on debt’s potentially catastrophic social consequences. It is only in the current era, writes anthropologist David Graeber, that we have begun to see the creation of the first effective planetary administrative system largely in order to protect the interests of creditors.

Read the whole article here.

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August 25, 2009 Read More